Saturday, March 7, 2026


Secret #1: Humans are a Cooperative Species

Secret #2: Self-Importance is the Enemy of Kindness

Secret #3: We are a Part of Nature

Secret #4: We Can End Capitalism, and Build a Better Economy

For most of my life, I have assumed that capitalism was an economic system, and that if we didn’t like it, we had to replace it with something else. And that’s where the wheels usually fell off the bus, for as someone once said, “It is easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of capitalism.”

I must admit to some nervousness in publishing this Substack essay, since most people have a knee-jerk response that says it’s okay to want to modify capitalism, but not to end it entirely. So please bear with me. I invite your thoughts to critique it or improve it.

Thanks for reading! This post is public so feel free to share it.

Share

In the ten years of research for my forthcoming book The Economics of Kindness, I have noticed that most authors either address the shortfalls of neoliberal capitalism, followed by a final chapter in which they list some proposals for change; or they focus on the emerging wellbeing/social solidarity economy, without paying much attention to how we might end capitalism.

Clearly, we have to do both - to stop the multiple harms that capitalism is causing, and build a new economy based on new values.

I now understand that capitalism is not an immutable economic system that we are stuck with forever. It is a cultural system that has been assembled over thousands of years by people who were primarily motivated by “the ceaseless accumulation of privately controlled capital” (Sven Beckert). From this perspective, a capitalist is someone who seeks the growth of their capital above all else, regardless of the cost to Nature, workers, or the communities where they invest. I’m not alone in thinking this way, that capitalism is primarily a cultural system. I share this perspective with several other critics of capitalism, including Max Weber, Karl Polanyi, Antonio Gramsci, and David Graeber.

This perspective makes it much easier to imagine the end of capitalism, and to analyze how it can be done, piece by piece.

Dissatisfaction with Capitalism

Across the democratic world, dissatisfaction with capitalism is no longer marginal. The 2020 Edelman Trust Barometer found that 56% of people globally believe that “capitalism as it exists today does more harm than good.” A 2025 Gallup poll found that 61% believe the system is unfair, and that it serves primarily the wealthy and powerful. In the United States, only 54% of people view capitalism positively. Many believe that capitalism is no longer working for ordinary people.

It’s not the market economy that’s the problem. When it is well regulated it works really well. Its intricate dance of cooperation and competition creates innovation and jobs, while constraining prices. Socially responsible businesses, whether private, cooperative, public, or social enterprises, also work really well, providing meaning and purpose for millions.

It’s the system we call capitalism that’s the problem. Under its protective canopy people give themselves license to destroy Nature, disrupt the climate, and enrich the few at the expense of the many, causing inequality, distress and anger. If we tolerate it for much longer, it will bring climate catastrophe, ecological collapse, financial collapse due to its burden of private debt, and the collapse of democracy. For a deeper dive into the origins of capitalism, I recommend the 1,000-page Capitalism: A Global History, by Sven Beckert.

A Ten Year Transition

My analysis tells me that capitalism rests on ten pillars: eight around the edge, two in the middle, and a canopy on top to provide a cover story.

The change we need is not an overnight revolution, but a steady transition. And by ‘transition’, I’m not thinking 100 years. I’m thinking 10 years, if the majority of people in the world’s democratic nations can be inspired to support the transition, and their leaders get behind it. The longer we delay, the greater the danger that capitalists’ predatory behavior will cause climate, ecological, and financial catastrophe.

There’s no reason to fear economic collapse if we transition to a democratically-guided mixed market cooperative economy: evidence shows that it will be more successful, more fair, more stable, and more resilient than capitalism, not less. So let’s get to it: We need ten new pillars, and a new canopy.


Pillar #1: Private Property

The first pillar was built long ago, with the transition from communal land stewardship to private land ownership. In England, less than 1% of the population owns half of all the land, while 38% of the people own none. My own ancestors were thrown off their land in Scotland during the Highland clearances. In almost every country, a minority of people own the majority of the land.

The Transition

We should leave this pillar in place. It does enable capitalism, but it also enables millions of people to enjoy the security of home ownership. We need to extend it so that it includes everyone, and no longer excludes a third or more of the people in any given country. Even in Denmark, 40% of Danes don’t own a home, and have little to leave to their children. This is how inequality grows.

For home ownership, the transition requires the construction of millions of units of cooperatively owned housing for those who can’t afford to buy; ‘right-to-buy’ legislation for tenants and mobile home owners; taxes and restrictions on multiple home ownership and absentee owners; and a ban on Real Estate Investment Trusts buying up homes. We also need community ‘right to buy’ legislation for cherished properties and land. To create the money that will be needed, we need public banks, supported by central bank underwriting.

Many nations also need land reform, as Taiwan, Korea and Japan achieved after World War 2, and as Peru has recently demonstrated. It’s a bumpy road, as Michael Albertus shows in Land Power: Who Has It Who Doesn’t, and How That Determines the Fate of Societies (2025), but we can’t have a true cooperative economy without it.

For major assets that private equity firms are buying up, such as water, we need a return to public ownership. For minor assets, such as pubs and veterinary services, we need community and worker buy-outs. (See Pillar #5)

Pillar #2: Labor

The second pillar arose when people lost their land. Deprived of the means to support themselves, they had to seek work from others, becoming employees, dependent on landowners and business owners to hire them - or not. Capitalists prefer some people to be unemployed, so that workers will take whatever wages are on offer. They also need a welfare state, to make it less likely that angry workers will rebel. Historically, as well as paid workers, capitalism has also depended on the brutality of slavery, and other forms of coerced labour.

The Transition

The transition that’s needed here is to far more worker ownership, whether through cooperative or employee shareholder ownership, or indirectly through enterprise foundations, common in Denmark. Governments need to support the right of workers to become owners of their place of work, and set a goal that 50% of workers will be employee-owners by 2050.

In Spain, the 80,000 workers in Mondragon’s cooperatives share the wealth they create, with pay-gaps no greater than 5:1. In America, it’s 632:1. At Starbucks, where a typical worker earns $15,000, in 2024 the CEO was paid $96 million. We need a future in which Starbucks workers can vote both to form a union and to become employee-shareholders.

The second need is stronger labor unions, including for gig economy workers, so that workers can stand up for their rights without barriers and objections.

The third need is community wealth building, creating a solid structure in which cooperatives and social enterprises can thrive. Scotland is leading the way with the Community Wealth Building Act, passed unanimously by the Scottish Parliament in February 2026, which requires every local government to produce a Community Wealth Building action plan. The local economy champion Michael Shuman has also proposed ten state policies and ten local policies to support local job creation.

Pillar #3: Private Debt Creation

The third pillar of capitalism is the private creation of money. In non-monetary relationships, debts are invisible “I owe you’s” that float in the air between people. Digitalize them, and you have the origin of money. It is the expression of reciprocal social trust. New money is created whenever someone offers you a kindness (or a loan), and is cancelled when it is repaid.

When Italian bankers began storing people’s wealth in the 14th century, they soon realized that they could lend more than they managed, since only very rarely did everyone ask for their money back on the same day. They also realized that they could charge interest on the money they created. This is more or less how banks still operate today.

It’s not the process of debt creation that’s the problem. It is a powerful extension of trust that enables people to achieve great things, whether it’s building a solar utility or buying a home. It is the way money is created without concern for social purpose that’s the problem. To a private equity banker, it doesn’t matter whether a loan is to trawl the ocean floor or to build a liquified natural gas plant that will make the climate crisis worse. All that matters is the return, ideally 15%. It’s the indifference to ethics and morality that creates the rot in the heart of the money-creation pillar. It’s the Golden Rule of Capitalism, which is to treat others worse than you’d like to be treated yourself, if it enables you to generate a capital gain.

Knowing the disasters that the climate crisis is lining up for us, creating money to invest in fossil fuel extraction in 2026 should be as unthinkable as creating money to manufacture tanks for the Nazis in the 1940s.

The Transition

To end the disconnect between investment and ethics we need legislated Red-Amber-Green standards to distinguish between beneficial and harmful investments. Green-listed loans that build a new ecological civilization could be offered 2% lower interest. Red-listed loans would be banned.

We also need to restrict short-term speculative loans where the sole purpose is profit at someone else’s expense. A financial transactions tax (Tobin tax) would be a useful start. Commodity futures trading should be restricted to commodities dealers, as it was before America’s 2000 Commodity Futures Modernization Act gave banks the freedom to speculate, causing inflation in food prices.

My personal solution is that every bank be invited to adopt a Social Purpose Charter, committing it to operate in a socially purposeful way, with various sub-clauses. Banks enjoy three important public privileges: loan deposit insurance; a central bank relationship; and a bail-out in the event of a threatened collapse. After a ten year transition, these privileges would be withdrawn from banks that chose not to adopt the new charter.

We also need to change the way banks are taxed - or not taxed; and regulated - or not regulated. The economist Gerald Epstein has a host of recommendations in Busting the Bankers’ Club: Finance for the Rest of Us (2024), including prohibiting deposit-taking banks from engaging in speculative lending, and breaking up mergers that make banks “too big to fail”. Elizabeth Warren has more changes in her 2021 Stop Wall Street Looting Act.

To build the new cooperative economy, to replace capitalism, alongside socially responsible private banks we will need public banks, cooperative banks, and community banks, all of which have the ability to create money. In Germany, the public bank KfW has created money to finance millions of units of affordable housing.

Pillar #4: The Primacy of Capital

This is capitalism’s central rule: that capital comes first. In corporate law, market practice, and financial culture, the overriding obligation of directors and executives, whether it is perceived, legal, or by pressure from activist shareholders, is to increase returns to capital.

Companies may speak of purpose, community, or sustainability, but when trade-offs arise, the growth and protection of capital always takes priority. This structural primacy creates a continuous competitive pressure imposed by capital markets that drives firms to cut costs, suppress wages, weaken unions, externalise environmental damage, pursue monopoly power, and tie executive pay to share price performance. It is not profit that defines capitalism - profit is essential. It is the elevation of capital gains above every competing claim.

The Transition

The voluntary solution, already being practiced by 10,500 B Corps companies, is to adopt a Benefit Corporation charter, giving directors the fiduciary duty to fulfil a social or environmental mission, not to maximize their capital assets. Much the same happens in the world’s three million cooperatives, and in social solidarity enterprises, of which there are 2,000 in New York alone. There are 300 million companies in the world, however. Voluntary reforms will never be enough.

To build a cooperative economy beyond capitalism we will need legislation that requires every company and its directors to act in a socially and environmentally responsible manner, with transparent verification and reporting. Britain’s proposed Better Business Act, already supported by 3,000 businesses and organizations, is a big step in this direction.

New legislation needs to affirm that a director’s fiduciary duty is to prioritize social purpose goals, and require that executive pay is linked to social purpose achievement, not share-price metrics. Governments will also need to reduce capital mobility (see Pillar #9), so that investors cannot punish a company’s social responsibility by moving their capital at the drop of an index report.

How can we make this universal, so that it becomes normal for the world’s 300 million businesses to pursue meaningful social purposes, and cease being subject to capitalism’s capital-maximizing discipline?

In The Economics of Kindness (Palgrave Macmillan, sometime in 2026), I propose that every business be required to adopt a Social Purpose Charter within a set number of years. Adopting the the Charter would commit the company to state its social purpose; to declare that its fiduciary duty is to its employees, communities, and Nature, as well as its investors; not to invest in Red-listed activities (see Pillar #3); to commit to labor union strength, profit-sharing, and worker representation, both in works councils and on the Board; to require majority worker support for any proposed take-over or merger; to give workers first right of refusal to buy their company if it faced bankruptcy or sale; and a bunch of other things.

Companies that adopt the charter would be rewarded with priority access to government contracts, grants and loans, a reduced borrowing rate, and a reduced rate of corporation tax. After a set date, five or ten years ahead, companies that have not adopted the new charter would be denied license to operate. We need to condition the privileges of limited liability and market access on social purpose and responsibility. This is how we can transform the selfishness of capitalism into the kindness of a cooperative economy.

Pillar #5: The Corporation

Capitalism’s seventh pillar is the accumulation of laws that support corporations,. A corporation has a legal existence separate from its owners, which means it can own property, and a bunch of other things. In America, a note written by a court reporter in 1886 stated that the Court accepted corporations as persons for equal protection purposes, which has been seized upon to expand the range of corporate activity.

In 2010, America’s Supreme Court ruled that money was a form of free speech, and that a corporation, being a person, could spend unlimited money to achieve a political result. This has enabled wealthy people to interfere in democratic elections and buy the influence they desire.

Corporations also enjoy limited liability, introduced in Britain in the 1850s to encourage capital pooling for big investments like railways. It allows investors to wash their hands of harmful activities and keep receiving their dividends. This builds the rot of selfish immorality into the core of the pillar. The same limited liability is written into property law, contract law, bankruptcy law, and trade agreements, giving privilege to the needs of capital over labour or environmental claims.

Without limited liability, however, most people would refuse to invest, fearing that they could lose their homes. It is a useful financial innovation, but also a public privilege, so it needs to be constrained in some way and not be a license to plunder.

Another legal device that upholds a corporation is the requirement that its directors have a fiduciary duty to maximize the shareholders gains - and no other purpose. Christopher Marquis explores this in detail in The Profiteers: How Business Privatizes Profits and Socializes Costs (2024).

The Transition

We need legislation that will require a corporation to behave in a socially responsible manner, relieving investors of the need to constantly check what it is doing. We probably need a limitation on limited liability, such that if a company is found guilty of a crime the fine will come out of the investors’ pockets, deterring investors from companies with a record of costly lawsuits.

Overturning Citizens’ United in America could be done with a constitutional amendment, as 22 states have called for, or with state legislation that “Every corporation operating under the laws of this state has all the corporate powers it held previously, except that nothing in this statute grants or recognizes any power to engage in election activity or ballot-issue activity,” as Robert Reich has pointed out.

Pillar #6: Asset Management

Mutual funds, private equity funds, exchange traded funds, pension funds, sovereign wealth funds and institutional portfolios hold some $120 trillion under management - a quarter of the world’s $500 trillion of wealth. Pension funds and sovereign wealth funds own much of the world’s capital, but their voting control and portfolio execution is increasingly being delegated to asset managers.

Asset managers like BlackRock, with $11.4 trillion assets under management, Vanguard ($11 trillion), and State Street ($5.7 trillion) own 20–25% of the shares in S&P 500 companies. For many firms, they are the largest single shareholder. In the United States, these three firms alone control a quarter of all corporate America. Globally, ten firms hold a third of all publicly traded equity. They claim to be passive in their investment strategies, but their shareholder voting influences executive compensation, mergers, and positions on climate policy, all with minimal democratic oversight.

Within the sector, private equity firms increasingly own housing, energy systems, water utilities, nursing homes, farmland, data centers, veterinary clinics, dentists, private colleges, and entire corporations. Even prison phone services, where they impose exorbitant rates on captive prisoners. They are creating a rentier economy, where the funds own the assets and the people have to pay inflated prices.

The Shadow Economy

Much of the asset management happens in the $250 trillion shadow bank economy, where there is minimal or no regulation. The ease of money creation enables speculation through the proliferation of hedge funds, private equity funds, money market funds, and so on. As Brendan Ballou says in Plunder: Private Equity’s Plan to Pillage America, private equity funds are creating ‘systemic risks for our economy as a whole.’

We need a government whose people have read and understood Ann Pettifor’s The Global Casino: How Wall Street Gambles with People and Planet. My diagram based on her book shows how damaging the shadow economy investments are.


The Transition

As we transition off capitalism we should limit private equity and other forms of asset management to 5–10% of the ownership of any major publicly traded firm, and of overleveraged companies in private equity portfolios; prohibit cross-ownership and interlocking directorates in competing firms; prosecute colluders; use antitrust legislation to challenge monopolies and mergers; and require pension funds to allocate a percentage of their funds to local productive investment. For Index funds, where shareholder votes control the constituent companies, we need to require pass-through voting to the actual fund holders, and mandatory disclosure of their voting rationales.

Essential public services such as healthcare systems, water systems, energy, broadband, ports, airports, colleges, and hospitals should be protected against private equity ownership. Public services that are under private control should either be taken back into public ownership, or be required to have majority public or cooperative ownership, golden share rights for the government, and public interest tests prior to all major acquisitions.

Future governments need to cap management fees; prohibit the loading of debt onto acquired firms; impose long-term holding requirements for a minimum of 10 years unless it’s for sale to the workers or the community; require worker representation on the boards of acquired firms; and ensure that workers have first right to buy if the owners choose to sell. Brendan Ballou, quoted above, has a full inventory of remedies.

Governments can also use their powers of taxation to impose an annual wealth tax on institutional assets above a certain threshold; financial transaction taxes; an exit tax to discourage the rapid flipping of infrastructure or housing; and higher capital gains taxes for short term investments.

Asset management companies will need social purpose charters, with a legal framework that defines their fiduciary duty to include climate stability and social wellbeing. They will need to publish annual climate, ecological, and social wellbeing reports, and have worker and community representation on their Boards.

Pillar #7: Political Power

It is their political power that enables the financial elites to protect capitalism and oppose every move to restrict it. It is this that enables them to fight labor unions, stop legislation to tackle the climate crisis, prevent the break up of monopolies, and so on. In the 2020 US election cycle, private equity funds inserted more than $200 million into candidates’ campaigns.

Political power is also needed to sustain the other pillars. This makes it the strongest pillar, if elites can control political parties through donations, lobbying, cocktail parties and think tanks, but also the weakest. A progressive majority in government can give serious pushback, as it did in America in the Progressive Era between 1901 and 1920; in 1932, enabling the New Deal to happen; and in Britain in 1946, when the workers and returning troops rejected Churchill’s Conservatives and voted Labour, enabling the National Health Service and the welfare state to be created. In both instances, the elites fought hard to stop these things from happening.

The Transition

We need to take back control of our democracies. We need to ban big campaign donations, overturn Citizens United (in America), guarantee fair elections, and rebuild public trust by using proportional voting, Citizen’s Assemblies, participatory democracy, and regular referendums, as they do in Switzerland, where trust in government remains high at 82%.

Pillar #8: Wealth Preservation

The preservation of wealth is not just about tax avoidance. It is about transforming wealth into legally shielded, self-replicating capital. It is about dynastic trusts, philanthropic foundations, family offices, and jurisdictional shopping to find the safest and most secret place to store it. It is about the privilege of unrealized capital gains, wealth that grows year after year without being taxed at all unless it is sold.

Political power is used to ensure that wealth is protected, using weak campaign finance laws, judicial appointments, stock buy-backs, lower taxes on capital gains, and capital mobility.

The Transition

Governments need to continue working together to shut down the tax havens, whether they are in Hong Kong, Switzerland, or the Cayman Islands. One path is multilateral agreement. For jurisdictions that refuse to cooperate, coordinated financial transaction measures could restrict access to major capital markets.

Professional accountability also matters. Lawyers, accountants, and private wealth managers who design or facilitate illegal offshore avoidance schemes should face meaningful penalties and professional sanctions.

Governments should ban anonymous shell companies, require full beneficial ownership transparency, tax inheritances fairly, close capital gains loopholes, and ensure that corporations are taxed where their economic activity actually occurs, not in a country such as Ireland where corporation taxes are deliberately super-low.

Pillar #9: Capital Mobility

This is capitalism’s silent superpower. At the first hint of higher taxes, stronger labour laws, climate regulation, or public ownership, capital can move across borders and into tax havens, currencies, bonds, or offshore funds, disappearing faster than an elected government can act.

This gives investors huge leverage. Governments are warned not to “spook the markets,” since bond traders can raise borrowing costs, and currency markets can punish policy shifts. The threat of exit becomes an unwritten veto that has become deeply embedded in economic life, making elected politicians feel powerless.

In 2022, when the UK government under Liz Truss proposed unfunded tax cuts, the bond markets reacted within days. Yields spiked, the pound fell, pension funds teetered, and the Bank of England had to intervene.

The Transition

Allowing capital mobility is a policy choice, which can be unchosen. Future governments could tax short-term financial flows, require minimum holding periods, and regulate foreign-currency borrowing. This would not block productive investments, but it would slow destabilizing speculation.

Governments can reduce the incentive to flee. By cooperating on international taxation, ownership transparency, limits on offshore secrecy, and exit taxes, they can weaken regulatory arbitrage. If profits can no longer vanish into hidden jurisdictions, capital will become more accountable.

If nations are to have sovereign power, some degree of capital control must be restored. This is not a modern conclusion - it was Keynes’ conclusion in the 1930s. Even the IMF accepts that managing capital flows is needed to protect stability. One method could be a tax on financial transactions, to throw sand in the machinery of capital selfishness and bring it to heel.

We need a new global financial architecture to govern the oceans of speculative money that slosh to and fro, beyond the reach of morality or financial prudence. We will need to revisit Keynes’ 1946 Bretton Woods proposal for an International Clearing Union that would harmonize imports and exports, and stabilize currencies. It may take the shock of a financial crisis to bring people to their senses, but at least we will know what’s needed.

Pillar #10: Central Bank Protection

Central banks were established to step in when the banks threatened to collapse. They were a stabilizer at the heart of a nation’s economy, the ultimate repository of financial trust. Having a monopoly on the creation of currency, they can create the money needed to save the banks, preventing unemployment, the loss of savings, and economic depression. In practice, central bankers’ money creation works to the benefit of the financial markets, and only later — if at all — for society as a whole.

Central bankers should work to protect the nation as a whole, but most work primarily to protect their fellow bankers. Following the 2008 financial crisis, the Federal Reserve created $2.5 trillion in emergency liquidity and asset purchases to bail out the banks, not to help the nine million people who lost their homes when the bankers’ risky bets turned bad. The banks, in turn, lent to wealthy people, enabling them to get yet wealthier by buying more assets in a rising market.

When COVID struck the central banks intervened again, backstopping corporate bond markets and financial institutions. The message was unmistakable: they would have their back. By encouraging more speculative investments, they have created moral hazard. The expectation of an emergency intervention becomes structural, that central banks will always come to the defense of capitalism.

The Transition

In a future where purpose is set by a progressive government, the central bank should be given a mandate to protect against all emergencies, including the climate crisis, the biodiversity crisis, the housing crisis, and a pandemic, as well as a financial crisis. The central bankers’ ability to create money is not inherently inflationary. If the newly created money mobilizes idle labour and productive capacity, it can save us from crisis. Only when there is no capacity for growth within an economy will it cause inflation.

A future progressive government can coordinate its monetary and fiscal policy. It can revise its central bank’s mandate, and ask it to deploy macroprudential tools including capital requirements, credit guidance, and limits on destabilizing cross-border capital mobility. It can steer new money away from destructive Red-listed investments, and toward green regenerative investments.

The Canopy: Cultural Legitimacy

Finally, capitalism needs a cover story - a canopy. For this it uses the imaginary laws of neoclassical economics, which state that humans are always rational and selfish (‘homo economicus’); that markets are always efficient; that growth will always bring progress; that competition is natural; that profit is rational; that left to itself an economy will always move towards equilibrium; and that government intervention should therefore be minimized.

There are no such laws, however. They were invented in the 19th and 20th century to persuade people that economics was a complex science, and economists were the only people who understood the laws. These myths have been reinforced by wealthy people through their funding of right wing think tanks, and their media monopolies.

The Transition

We need a new narrative, one that tells of the ancient historical tension between selfishness and kindness, and how for 5,000 years most people have been subjugated by wealthy, powerful elites. But not any more. We can end capitalism, and it will not cause the collapse of the global economy. Quite the opposite - it will enable us to craft a far better economy based on cooperation that works for all humans, not just the elites, and also for Nature, for the world we love, and for a new ecological civilization.

In Conclusion

That’s a lot, if you have got this far. The global economy is not a simple affair.

If we have a vision that’s clear enough, and the determination to make it happen, we can dig ourselves out from the mess that capitalism has created, and build for ourselves instead a new economy based on cooperation and kindness.

Secret #5: Coming up soon.

Guy Dauncey works to develop a positive vision of a new ecological civilization, and to translate it into action. He is author of The Economics of Kindness: The End of Capitalism, the Birth of a New Ecological Civilization (Palgrave Macmillan, sometime in 2026)

Leave a comment

Thanks for reading! This post is public so feel free to share it.

Share

Bibliography


 

😳 I’ll summarize for you what the CEO of Palantir Technologies just said. It’s FUCKING CHILLING. Original in comments. Heres the gist of what he said.
I am the CEO of Palantir Technologies. My company is valued at a quarter of a trillion dollars. Let me be clear: that is not a typo. Two hundred and forty-nine billion dollars. Our stock has surged 320% in the last year alone. And what do we sell? Surveillance. Not ‘data integration.’ Not ‘operational intelligence.’ Not ‘decision advantage.’ Those are just the sanitized terms I use on stage, in front of audiences who prefer their oppression dressed up in corporate jargon. But in rooms where the truth is an asset, I call it what it is: surveillance. Mass surveillance. The kind that doesn’t just watch you—it predicts you, controls you, and, when necessary, erases you.
I gave a speech on March 3rd at the Andreessen Horowitz American Dynamism Summit. ‘American Dynamism’—what a charming euphemism for what it really is: a slush fund for military tech. The kind of fund that turns patriotism into profit margins, where ‘defending the nation’ is just another revenue stream. And let me tell you, the thesis works. It made me a billionaire. Not because I built something better, but because I sold the one thing this country’s power structure will always buy: compliance at scale.
Here’s what I said, word for word, to a room full of people whose combined wealth could buy and sell entire nations:
‘If Silicon Valley believes we are going to take away everyone’s white-collar job and you’re gonna screw the military—if you don’t think that’s gonna lead to nationalization of our technology, you’re retarded.’
Yes, I said retarded. The clip went viral—eleven million views. My comms team flinched. They asked me not to say it again. They don’t get it. The word wasn’t a mistake. It was a test. A test of who’s really in charge. The stock went up. The audience laughed. The message was received.
Let me break down what I actually meant by ‘nationalization.’
I meant it literally.
I was telling the most powerful people in tech that if they refuse to hand over their tools to the military-industrial complex, the government will take those tools by force. And I said it from a stage designed to look like a cozy living room, complete with throw pillows that cost more than most Americans make in a month. I sat on one of those pillows. I sipped San Pellegrino. I delivered an ultimatum wrapped in venture-capital charm.
And the audience? They laughed.
Not because it was funny. Because they thought I was talking about someone else’s company.
I was talking about someone else’s company.
Three weeks before my speech, the Pentagon labeled Anthropic—a rival AI company—a ‘supply chain risk.’ Why? Because Anthropic had the audacity to set ethical boundaries. They said: If our AI is used for lethal autonomous weapons, we stop. If capability outpaces safety, we stop. The Pentagon didn’t see ‘ethics.’ They saw a threat to the supply chain. So what happened? Hours after Anthropic was blacklisted, OpenAI signed a deal with the same Pentagon. The terms? Classified. The timing? Deliberate. The lesson? The military AI market does not pause for morality. It does not negotiate. It consumes.
Two hundred thousand people signed a petition—#QuitGPT—begging OpenAI to honor its original charter, the one that promised to ‘benefit all of humanity.’ That charter is still on their website. So is the announcement of their Pentagon contract. They occupy the same digital space. One is the marketing. The other is the product.
And Palantir? We don’t even pretend.
We are the surveillance state’s favorite tool. We have over a billion dollars in contracts with the Department of Defense. We work with ICE. We work with intelligence agencies whose names I’m not allowed to say out loud, even in a room full of billionaires. Our software has been used to track undocumented immigrants, to dismantle families, to do things I’m not permitted to describe in public. The revenue from the things I can’t talk about? It dwarfs the revenue from the things I can.
The ACLU called our ICE contracts a system for ‘tracking and deporting families.’ They were right. Did we stop? No. Did the contracts stop? No. Did the families stop being tracked? No. We issued a statement. They issued a statement. The machine kept running.
Oh, and the name of my company? Palantir. It’s from Tolkien—the seeing stones, the palantíri. In the books, Sauron corrupted them, used them to manipulate and destroy anyone who gazed into their depths. I named my surveillance empire after a fictional device designed to corrupt absolute power. I have a doctorate in social theory. I’ve read the books. I know exactly what I’m doing.
Here’s what you need to understand:
I am not making threats.
A threat implies uncertainty. There is no uncertainty here. The tech industry will cooperate with the military. The companies that jump first will be rewarded with riches beyond imagination. The companies that hesitate will be absorbed by the ones that didn’t. And the companies that refuse? Their technology will be taken—through backdoors, through ‘procurement channels,’ through whatever means necessary. The process has already begun. Anthropic was the first domino. OpenAI was the second. I’m not warning you. I’m narrating the inevitable.
Last year, Palantir’s revenue was $3.12 billion. Up 33%. Analysts keep saying we’re overvalued. They’ve been saying it for four years. Every year, the stock doubles. Every year, the analysts adjust their models. Their models have been wrong four times. I have been wrong zero times.
The market doesn’t reward ideals. It rewards prediction. And my prediction is this: Within three years, every major AI company in America will be working for the military. That prediction is now on the record, right next to the slur that got eleven million views.
The audience gave me a standing ovation. Nine seconds. I timed it. I time everything.
The future of American technology was decided in that room—between the sparkling water, the designer throw pillows, and the applause of men who think they’re the predators, not the prey.
I am the CEO of Palantir Technologies. I am worth more than the annual budgets of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania combined. I built a company named after a device from a story about the corruption of power. I stood in front of the most powerful people in the world and told them their choices were compliance or confiscation. They clapped. The stock soared. The cage locked into place.
I’m not a villain. I’m not a hero. I’m the philosopher holding up the mirror.
And what you see in that mirror isn’t a warning.
It’s a funeral.

 

Friday, March 6, 2026

Okay. You are a curious bunch. I’ve received several messages asking me explain our family’s adoption of the very old Southern practice of ‘walking the dead’. So here it is.
When I was 18 years old and a sophomore in college (skipped half of my senior year of high school), the phone rang at our house one day. My mom answered it — one of those old black Bakelite rotary dial phones. She briefly conversed with the caller, hung up, and turned to me. She said, “Well, today you become an adult.” She explained that one of the ladies at our small rural church had passed, and her spinster daughter had called my mom to come. She was distraught and didn’t know what to do.
Mom and I hopped in the family station wagon, and traveled the one mile to her home. Mom immediately took charge. She phoned our local funeral home to come get the deceased.
Within minutes the hearse arrived. We vacated the bedroom while the undertakers loaded the body on a guerney.
As they rolled our friend’s body into the living room, Mom stopped them. She carefully folded back the undertakers’ blanket uncovering the face of the deceased. I watched her neatly smooth out the wrinkles of the blanket tucking it gently under the chin of her dear friend. She then instructed me to stand on the left side of the guerney and place my hand on the side rail. She stood on the right side and did the same, then nodded to the undertakers that they could proceed.
With them at the head and foot of the deceased, and Mom and me on either side, we proceeded slowly and solemnly out the front door of the home and to the hearse, with the daughter following solemnly behind. We stepped aside and let the undertakers load the body into the hearse. Mom told them they could now cover the face of her friend.
Later that day Mom explained to me why we walked the lady to the hearse — the practice known to previous generations as ‘walking the dead’.
She said a person’s soul may be gone, but they were more than just a dead body. They should be allowed to leave their place of death — whether home or hospital — with the same dignity with which they had lived. They should not be surrounded on that brief journey by strangers but rather by people who knew them and cared about them. They should feel one last time the warmth of the sun or the breeze in the air on their face.
In short, ‘walking the dead’ is a solemn ceremony to show respect for the deceased. Simple, solemn, respectful.
When my sister passed last August, my nieces and I waited in the living room while the undertakers loaded her body on a guerney. We explained our tradition to them and asked them not to cover her face. We then proceeded to accompany her body out the front door and to the funeral home’s van. I was a bit amused when one of the undertakers peered out from the back of the van to ask, “Can we cover her face now?” We assured him that, yes, we had fulfilled our duty and they could now cover her up.
I hope that when It’s my time, I won’t have to make that journey alone in the company of strangers.
The photos below are in loving memory of my sister, Barbara, and my parents who rest behind her, Carroll and Estine Edmondson.
 
~Kentucky Farmhouse Finds~ 

 


 

 
No One Wants to Fight For Israel?
Let's ask the question that Brian McGinnis screamed until they broke his arm to shut him up.
A former United States Marine. A man who wore the uniform, bled for the flag, swore an oath to defend the Constitution against all enemies foreign and domestic. He walked into the United States Senate, stood before the Armed Services Committee, and shouted the truth that every lawmaker in that room already knew but refused to say:
"No one wants to fight for israel!"
They dragged him out. They twisted his arm until it snapped. A United States Senator, Tim Sheehy, a former Navy SEAL, personally joined the Capitol Police in assaulting a fellow veteran who dared to question why American blood must be spilled for a foreign flag .
And in that moment, the mask slipped. The empire revealed its face. And the question McGinnis asked echoes louder than any missile strike:
When did American soldiers pledge allegiance to Israel?
The Man Who Asked the Question
Let's name him. Brian McGinnis. Forty-four years old. Former Marine. Green Party candidate for Senate in North Carolina. A man with nothing to gain and everything to lose by standing up in that chamber .
He posted a video that morning on X, warning what he would do. He walked into the Hart Senate Office Building, took his seat, waited for the right moment. Then he rose and spoke:
"Israel is the reason for this war. America does not want to fight this war for Israel! America does not want to send its sons and daughters to war for Israel! Your inability to name that shows your ineptness as leaders! This is wrong and nobody wants to fight for Israel!"
The cameras rolled. The police moved. And Tim Sheehy, the senator from Montana, the former SEAL who swore to protect the Constitution, left his chair to personally assist in the removal of a man who had merely spoken words .
McGinnis's arm got caught in the door. It broke. The snap was audible. And when someone asked if he was okay, he answered: "No. Not okay."
Three charges of assault on a police officer. Three charges of resisting arrest. Crowding, obstructing, incommoding. This is the price of free speech in the empire .
The Question That Haunts the Ranks
McGinnis is not alone. He's just the one who got caught on camera.
In August 2025, a U.S. Army sergeant named Jonathan Estreicher posted something on Instagram: "Opposing Israel's genocide in Gaza." The military opened an investigation. They cited the Espionage Act. Section 793. Never before used for criticizing an ally .
Estreicher asked the question that should shake every American to their core: "When I first joined, I swore to defend the United States Constitution. When did I also swear to defend Israel?"
The military had no answer. So they investigated him instead.
Seventeen active-duty personnel disciplined in two years. Three officers forced out for refusing to support Israeli operations. Seven lawsuits filed by soldiers refusing orders they deemed illegal. Four of those lawsuits won in federal court .
The Pentagon quietly amended the Uniform Code of Military Justice. Added "support for allies" to the oath. Constitutional scholars are still debating whether that's legal .
The Ghost of Aaron Bushnell
And then there's the one they can't forget.
February 25, 2024. A young airman named Aaron Bushnell walked to the gate of the Israeli Embassy in Washington. He doused himself in fuel. He lit a match. And as the flames consumed him, he screamed the words that now echo across the Middle East:
"Free Palestine!"
His final message, posted online before he burned: "I will no longer be complicit in genocide."
A year later, they named streets after him in Jericho. Billboards in Yemen carry his face. In Beirut, they hung a banner: "Your devotion and loyalty to the Palestinian people will remain a trust in our necks for eternity" .
The U.S. military tried to bury his memory. They failed. Because every soldier who has been ordered to support Israel since that day wonders: am I next? Not to self-immolate. To question. To resist. To face investigation, discipline, discharge.
Bushnell didn't break an arm. He broke the silence. And they still haven't forgiven him.
The Numbers That Expose the Lie
Let's talk about what the data actually says.
Pew Research, 2025: 58% of active-duty service members believe U.S. policy toward Israel harms American interests. Up from 21% in 2020 .
Fifty-eight percent. The majority of the people who would actually fight this war don't believe in it.
The same poll: only 30% of Americans trust Trump's judgment on using military force. More than half trust him "only a little" or "not at all" .
And yet, the bombs keep falling. The troops keep deploying. The ships keep sailing.
Why? Because the people making the decisions don't fight the wars. Their children don't fight the wars. Their donors don't fight the wars.
The 2025 defense budget allocated $68 billion to Israel, 18% of all overseas military aid, while cutting veterans' healthcare by 2% .
Let that sink in. The people who already served get less. The people who never served get more. And the people being asked to serve now are told it's for "American interests."
The Secret Draft They Won't Admit
Here's where it gets properly conspiratorial. And by "conspiratorial," I mean "documented in Pentagon reports that no one reads."
The 2025 U.S. Defense Department Force Structure Report contains a clause buried on page 211: Israeli Defense Forces units are integrated into U.S. military reserve structures. Specifically, the Golani Brigade and certain special forces units are listed as eligible for U.S. benefits. Medical care. Retirement. Education .
This dates back to the 2018 U.S.-Israel Military Integration Act, never formally authorized by Congress, never debated on the floor, never voted on by anyone we elected .
What this means in practice: when an Israeli soldier serves in Gaza, that service counts toward U.S. military benefits. When an Israeli unit operates in the West Bank, it's technically part of the American force structure. When the IDF uses American weapons, it's not just a transfer, it's an operation.
And when American soldiers are asked to support that operation, they're not being asked to defend America. They're being asked to defend a foreign military that has been quietly absorbed into their own.
Estreicher's lawyers demanded the legal basis for this integration. The Pentagon refused to provide it, citing "national security" .
The Senator Who Broke the Veteran
Tim Sheehy is a former Navy SEAL. He flipped Montana's Senate seat in 2024. He ran as a "common sense" candidate aligned with Trump .
When McGinnis started shouting, Sheehy left his seat and joined the police. He grabbed the veteran. He helped drag him. He held him against the door while the arm snapped.
Later, Sheehy posted on X: "This gentleman came to the Capitol looking for a confrontation, and he got one. I hope he gets the help he needs without causing further violence" .
Help he needs. The man needed to ask why American sons and daughters are dying for Israel. That's not a medical condition. That's a constitutional right.
Sheehy is a veteran. He wore the uniform. He knows what it means to swear an oath. And he just helped break the arm of another veteran who dared to ask where that oath leads.
The message is clear: dissent will be silenced. Questions will be punished. And anyone who stands up will be dragged out, arm broken, charges filed.
The War They Won't Name
The war itself is the backdrop no one mentions.
February 28, 2026. The U.S. and Israel launched "major combat operations" against Iran. The Supreme Leader is dead. Over 2,000 targets struck. Tehran burning. Beirut shaking .
The stated goal: destroy Iran's missile program, annihilate its navy, raze its infrastructure. The unstated goal: regime change. Trump told Iranians to "take over your government" once the bombs stop falling .
And now the region is on fire. The Strait of Hormuz is blocked. Oil prices are spiking. The Houthis are firing. Hezbollah is mobilizing. Iraqi militias are attacking U.S. bases.
And the American people? They didn't vote for this. Congress didn't authorize this. The UN didn't approve this.
But the soldiers will fight it anyway. Because that's what soldiers do.
The question McGinnis asked, "When did we start fighting for Israel?", has no answer because the answer is too ugly to speak aloud.
The Empire's Lonely War
Watch who's not fighting.
Europe is sitting this one out. The UK refused to participate in offensive strikes. France was "neither informed nor involved." Germany called for negotiations .
The Gulf states publicly warned against the war while privately cheering it. Now they're in the crossfire. Dubai hotels burning. Qatari LNG halted. Saudi refineries hit .
China watches and calculates. Russia issues statements it can't back. The Global South waits to see who wins.
Only two nations are fully committed: the United States and Israel.
And one of them is running out of willing soldiers.
Pew's numbers tell the story: 58% of troops think this war hurts American interests. 40% of Republicans oppose attacking Iran. 33% of Americans trust Trump's judgment .
This is not a united country marching to war. It's a fractured empire dragging its unwilling citizens behind it.
The Body in the Door
The image that will define this moment is McGinnis's arm.
Caught in the door. Twisted. Snapped. Three police officers and a senator standing over him while he screams the truth they couldn't allow.
"No one wants to fight for Israel!"
They didn't arrest him for violence. They arrested him for words. For speaking what every poll confirms, what every soldier whispers, what every mother fears.
Three counts of assault on a police officer. He didn't assault anyone. He stood and shouted while they dragged him. That's not assault. That's resistance.
They charged him anyway. Because in the empire, the truth is the highest crime.
The Question That Remains
Brian McGinnis is facing years in prison for asking a question.
Jonathan Estreicher is under investigation for posting on Instagram.
Aaron Bushnell is dead.
And the war continues. The bombs keep falling. The ships keep sailing. The soldiers keep deploying.
The question McGinnis screamed will not die. It will echo through barracks and mess halls, through veterans' hospitals and Gold Star families' homes.
When did American soldiers start dying for Israel?
The answer is: they didn't. They're dying for a policy they never voted for, a war they never authorized, a foreign power that has been quietly integrated into their own military structure.
The men who broke McGinnis's arm know this. The senators who voted against the war powers resolution know this. The Pentagon officials who hide the integration clause know this.
They just don't want you to know.
Because if you knew, if every soldier knew, the empire would crumble.
And that's exactly why McGinnis stood up and shouted.
The elephant in the room isn't whether no one wants to fight for Israel.
It's whether the empire can survive when its soldiers finally realize who they're really fighting for.







 

 
Germany is now offering a groundbreaking procedure described as a permanent cure for Type 2 diabetes. While the same treatment costs $40,000 in the United States, international patients can access it for free through select medical programs.
The therapy, called duodenal mucosal resurfacing (DMR), is a minimally invasive procedure that targets insulin resistance, the root cause of Type 2 diabetes. Using advanced endoscopic tools, DMR modifies the lining of the upper intestine, “resetting” hormonal signals that regulate glucose. Patients often experience significant improvements in blood sugar levels and insulin sensitivity, with many able to stop diabetes medication entirely. Clinical trials show some individuals maintain normal glucose levels for years after a single treatment.
Through public hospitals and global health partnerships, Germany offers this life-changing therapy to non-citizens as part of pilot programs, highlighting disparities in global healthcare access. This innovative approach may mark a turning point in reversing Type 2 diabetes worldwide.