Friday, October 9, 2026

HOW TO MAKE PANTRY BISCUIT MIX
A jar of homemade biscuit mix is one of those simple pantry staples that makes a busy morning or hurried supper a little easier. Most of the measuring is already done, so when you want a pan of warm biscuits, shortcake, cobbler topping, or dumplings, you can have the dough mixed in just a few minutes.
It is the kind of practical mixture that earns its place on the pantry shelf, ready to be scooped out whenever something homemade is needed without starting completely from scratch.
PANTRY BISCUIT MIX
You will need:
8 cups all-purpose flour
1/3 cup baking powder
1 tablespoon salt
2 tablespoons sugar
1 cup cold butter, shortening, or lard
TO MAKE THE MIX
In a very large bowl, whisk together the flour, baking powder, salt, and sugar until everything is evenly combined.
Cut in the cold butter, shortening, or lard using a pastry blender, two forks, or your fingertips until the mixture resembles coarse crumbs.
If using butter, keep the mix refrigerated or frozen.
If using shelf-stable shortening, the mix may be stored in a tightly sealed container in a cool, dry pantry.
Label the container with the name and date.
TO MAKE BISCUITS
Measure:
2 cups biscuit mix
About 2/3 cup milk
Heat oven to 450°F.
Place the biscuit mix in a bowl and gradually stir in the milk just until a soft dough forms. Do not overmix.
Turn the dough onto a lightly floured surface and gently pat it about 3/4 inch thick.
Cut into biscuits with a biscuit cutter or drinking glass.
Place on a baking sheet. For softer-sided biscuits, place them close together. For crisper edges, leave a little space between them.
Bake for about 10 to 12 minutes, or until golden brown.
Brush the tops with melted butter while warm, if desired.
FOR DROP BISCUITS
Use 2 cups biscuit mix and enough milk, usually about 3/4 cup, to make a thick scoopable dough.
Drop by spoonfuls onto a baking sheet and bake at 450°F for about 10 to 12 minutes.
FOR SHORTCAKE
To 2 cups biscuit mix, stir in 2 tablespoons sugar before adding the milk.
Pat or drop the dough onto a baking sheet and bake as directed.
Split the warm biscuits and serve with sweetened berries and whipped cream.
A LITTLE PANTRY NOTE
Homemade mixes are most useful when the directions are written right on the jar or tucked inside the lid. That way nobody has to go searching for the recipe when breakfast is already underway.
This recipe is printer-friendly, so you can print or save it for your recipe box or household notebook.
Nana Banana

 

A hundred years ago one family decided what would count as medicine in America, and they erased everything else. They wiped out entire schools with centuries of tradition and thousands of doctors. Most people have never heard about it, and that’s exactly how they wanted it.
I’m going to walk you through how they did it, because once you see the first time, you’ll understand why they’re coming for peptides now. It comes down to one thing. You cannot patent something the body already makes. If they can’t patent it, they can’t own it, and if they can’t own it, they can’t sell it back to you for the rest of your life. That’s the whole fight. Everything else is theater.
What medicine looked like before they got to it
To understand what was taken, you have to see what was there first.
Before 1900 American medicine looked nothing like it does today. There was no FDA, no standardized training, and no pharmaceutical giant deciding what got prescribed. People couldn’t even agree on what medicine was. Different schools ran on completely different philosophies. You had the regular physicians leaning on aggressive interventions like bloodletting and mercury. You had homeopaths working with heavily diluted substances. You had eclectic doctors who blended conventional treatment with botanical remedies, naturopaths who leaned on the body’s own capacity to heal, and dozens of smaller traditions on top of that.
And none of them had a monopoly. Patients chose their doctor based on who actually got them better, not on who had the right credential. If the regular physician’s mercury made you sicker, you walked down the street to the herbalist. If the herbalist couldn’t touch your problem, you tried the homeopath. That competition forced every school to produce real results or lose their patients. It was a market of outcomes, and it kept everyone honest.
And the botanical schools held their own in that market. Places like the Eclectic Medical Institute in Cincinnati and the Physio-Medical College of Indiana were graduating hundreds of doctors a year. These were not fringe operations. They had decades of history and real training programs, and their patient outcomes stood next to conventional medicine and often beat it.
That shouldn’t surprise anyone, because plant medicine had been the foundation of healing for thousands of years, and a lot of it flat out worked. Willow bark for pain gave us the compound that became aspirin. Foxglove for the heart gave us digitalis. Cinchona bark for malaria gave us quinine. These weren’t superstitions. They were working medicines backed by generations of documented use.
But botanical medicine had one fatal flaw, and it had nothing to do with whether it worked. You cannot patent a plant. Anyone with a backyard could grow willow bark or harvest foxglove, and there’s no way to build a monopoly on knowledge that has been public for centuries.
John D. Rockefeller understood that better than anyone alive.
How one family rewrote the rules
In 1910 America had 165 medical schools. By 1925 only 81 were left, and not one of them taught herbal medicine anymore.
Fifteen years. That’s all it took to wipe out an entire branch of medicine. It didn’t happen because the science suddenly proved plants don’t work. It happened because of money, and one family in particular.
Rockefeller had already become the richest man in America through Standard Oil, and he’d perfected one playbook to get there. Undercut your competition until they go broke, buy up what’s left for pennies, then control the whole supply chain so customers have nowhere else to go. He wanted to run that same play on medicine. The trouble was that medicine wasn’t like oil. You couldn’t drill for it and own the wells. It was spread across hundreds of schools and thousands of practitioners, with families passing remedies down through the generations.
So he didn’t go after the medicine. He went after the people who got to decide what counted as medicine.
In 1901 he founded the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research. The public story was philanthropy, a rich man giving back by funding science. The private reality was the opening move in a takeover. The institute didn’t fund just any research. It funded work on synthetic compounds that could be patented, laboratory science that needed equipment only big institutions could afford, and drug development that would build dependence on pharmaceutical companies.
To run it he brought in a former Baptist minister turned business advisor named Frederick Gates. Gates understood that controlling medicine meant controlling the gatekeepers. The schools that trained the doctors. The licensing boards that decided who could practice. The journals that decided what counted as legitimate. The strategy he laid out was simple and ruthless. Use philanthropy to gain influence over medical education. Fund the schools that taught the pharmaceutical model and starve the ones that didn’t. Then build a standardization system that would wipe out the competition while calling it a fight for quality.
There was one thing the plan still needed. Credibility. They couldn’t just announce that herbal schools were inferior. They needed someone respectable to say it for them, someone the establishment would believe.
They found their man in Abraham Flexner.
The report that closed the doors
Abraham Flexner was not a doctor. He’d never practiced medicine and never attended medical school. He ran a private school in Louisville and had written a book criticizing American colleges, and that book is what caught the eye of the Carnegie Foundation, which was already working hand in glove with Rockefeller on the medical education project.
In 1908 they hired him to survey every medical school in America. Carnegie paid for the study and Flexner did the visits and wrote the report, with the Rockefeller Institute standing ready to implement whatever it recommended. On the surface it looked noble. Evaluate the quality of medical education and help raise the standards. But the criteria Flexner used weren’t neutral. They were built to favor one kind of medicine over every other.
His standards demanded expensive laboratory facilities, full-time faculty with research credentials, extensive hospital-based clinical training, standardized curricula modeled on the Europeans, and entrance requirements steep enough to thin the applicant pool. Every one of those made perfect sense for pharmaceutical medicine, which was lab-based, equipment-heavy, and tied to hospitals. Not one of them made sense for botanical medicine, which was practice-based, built on gardens and field knowledge, and had trained effective doctors through apprenticeship for centuries.
The herbal schools couldn’t meet those standards without tearing out everything that made them work. They’d have to rip up the gardens and put in laboratories, fire their experienced practitioners and hire research PhDs, and stop teaching people how to grow their own medicine so they could teach them to prescribe patented drugs instead. It was a setup. The standards weren’t written to measure quality. They were written to eliminate competition.
Flexner spent two years visiting around 155 schools. He gave most of them less than a day, some only a few hours. He didn’t evaluate patient outcomes. He didn’t interview graduates or check long-term success rates. He measured buildings, equipment, and whether the school matched criteria that had already been decided.
The 1910 Flexner Report landed like a bomb. It branded more than half of America’s medical schools inadequate overnight. Herbal, homeopathic, and naturopathic schools that had run successfully for decades were condemned as unscientific and dangerous, and the report recommended most of them be shut down immediately.
Then the money showed up.
Within months, Rockefeller’s General Education Board began handing out grants no school could match, but only to schools that agreed to implement Flexner’s recommendations and restructure around pharmaceutical medicine. The sums were staggering for the time. Washington University in St. Louis took in $75,000 in 1910, worth over two million in today’s dollars. Johns Hopkins got even more. Yale, Harvard, and Columbia all took massive Rockefeller grants, but only after agreeing to drop their homeopathic departments and rebuild around drug-based training.
Refuse the money and you were trapped. The state licensing boards, following the Flexner Report, had started requiring graduates to come from accredited schools, and accreditation required meeting Flexner’s standards, which required money most schools didn’t have. It was a trap with one exit, and the exit led exactly where they wanted you to go.
The Eclectic Medical Institute in Cincinnati had been training doctors since 1830. Eighty years of graduates had given it a solid reputation built on results that held up. They refused to abandon botanical medicine, so the funding was refused. They couldn’t afford the laboratories Flexner demanded, so they lost accreditation. Once they lost accreditation they couldn’t legally graduate doctors, and by 1939 they were forced to close.
Some schools tried to save themselves by playing along. The New York Homeopathic Medical College built the labs, hired the research faculty, and restructured the curriculum while trying to keep its homeopathic focus. It didn’t matter. Rockefeller’s foundation denied them funding anyway, and by 1918 they’d merged with a conventional school and dropped homeopathy entirely. Hahnemann in Philadelphia, one of the most prestigious homeopathic institutions in the country, held out longer, but without funding its facilities aged while the Rockefeller-backed schools built modern campuses, its faculty left for better pay, and by 1950 homeopathic training there was gone too. That same story repeated across the country until the schools were finished.
They went after the doctors already practicing, too
Closing the schools handled the next generation. But there were still tens of thousands of herbalists, naturopaths, and homeopaths out there with established practices and patients who trusted them. They’d been trained before the report, they had decades of experience, and you couldn’t just shut them down.
So they went after the licensing boards instead. Every state had a board that decided who could legally practice, and before 1910 most of them were fairly open. Graduate from any legitimate school, show you were competent, and you got licensed. Different philosophies coexisted under one roof. The Flexner Report blew that apart by recommending that boards only recognize graduates of accredited schools, and accreditation only went to schools teaching the pharmaceutical model.
Rockefeller’s foundations then funded the campaigns to get state legislatures to adopt the new rules. They wrote model legislation. They paid for the lobbying. In some cases they funded the salaries of the very board members who backed their position. State by state the requirements changed, New York in 1915, California in 1917, Illinois in 1921, until it became effectively illegal to practice botanical medicine even if you’d been doing it successfully for thirty years.
The doctors already practicing got grandfathered in, which sounds generous until you see what it actually did. They could keep working, but they couldn’t train new apprentices and they couldn’t pass the knowledge down. When that generation retired or died, their medicine died with them. No dramatic ban required. Just wait it out and let the clock do the work.
Empty botanical medicine lecture hall representing the disappearance of herbal medicine education, homeopathic schools, and Eclectic medical colleges after the Flexner reforms.
The older physicians fought back. They filed lawsuits arguing the new laws violated their right to practice. They organized associations, lobbied legislatures, and published journals documenting their patient outcomes to prove their methods worked. It didn’t matter, because Rockefeller’s foundations had effectively unlimited money for the fight. They funded counter-lobbying, placed favorable articles in the major papers, and bankrolled universities to produce studies showing pharmaceutical superiority.
The propaganda machine that made it stick
Here’s the part that turned a business takeover into something the public actually cheered for.
None of this happened in the dark. It happened in full view, dressed up as progress. Medical journals that took drug-company advertising ran editorials attacking herbal medicine as primitive and dangerous. Newspapers that lived on pharmaceutical ad money ran stories about quacks and con artists, and they were careful to lump legitimate, experienced herbalists in with actual frauds so the whole field looked like a scam.
The American Medical Association, which had been reorganized with Rockefeller money, ran its own operation. In 1906 it created a propaganda department, later renamed the Bureau of Investigation, and its explicit job was to attack alternative medicine and anyone who practiced it. Its lead investigator spent decades writing exposés of homeopaths, naturopaths, chiropractors, and herbalists, and his work ran in the AMA’s own journal and got reprinted in papers across the country. The message never changed. Pharmaceutical medicine was scientific and trustworthy, and everything else was quackery.
What never got mentioned in any of it was that the AMA was itself taking heavy funding from the drug companies and the Rockefeller foundations. It wasn’t an independent authority. It was a lobbying arm for the industry it claimed to police.
Then came the financial squeeze. The Sheppard-Towner Act of 1921 looked, on its face, like a good and gentle law. It provided federal money for maternal and infant health, prenatal care, the kind of thing almost nobody would argue against. But buried in how it worked was a requirement that the federal money could only go to programs staffed by doctors from accredited schools, meaning schools that taught pharmaceutical medicine and nothing else. Midwives who had safely delivered babies for generations were suddenly ineligible. Naturopaths who specialized in prenatal nutrition were shut out. Families who wanted those practitioners had to pay out of pocket while their own tax dollars subsidized only the pharmaceutical approach.
That’s the real lesson of monopoly power, and they understood it perfectly. You don’t have to make your product better than the competition. You just have to make the competition inaccessible.
By 1925 the transformation was complete. Of the 165 schools operating in 1910, only 81 remained, and every one still teaching primarily botanical medicine had either closed or fully converted to drugs. Knowledge refined over centuries began vanishing, not because it stopped working and not because something better replaced it, but because there was no longer any legal way to teach it, practice it, or get paid for it.
We’re still living in the system they built
The consequences didn’t show up all at once. At first the pharmaceutical model delivered on real promises. Antibiotics saved lives. Surgery fixed things that used to kill people. I’m not going to pretend otherwise, and neither should anyone making this argument honestly.
But the drug model was built for one kind of problem and blind to another. It handled the acute stuff, an infection or an injury or an emergency, the kind of crisis you resolve by hitting it hard and fast. It struggled with the slow, systemic stuff. Chronic conditions, autoimmune disease, metabolic disorders, mental health, the things that build over years and need long-term support rather than one aggressive intervention. Botanical medicine had spent centuries developing exactly that kind of support, and that was the knowledge that got erased.
So look at where it left us. By the 1960s Americans were the most medicated population in human history, with pills for blood pressure, cholesterol, mood, sleep, digestion, and inflammation, many of them for conditions earlier generations had managed with food, herbs, movement, and time. When the only tool a doctor is trained to reach for is a prescription pad, every problem starts to look like a shortage of some patented compound.
The costs tell the same story. In 1960 Americans spent about $27 billion on healthcare, roughly 5 percent of the economy. By 2020 it was around $4 trillion, nearly 20 percent. We now spend more on healthcare than any nation on earth and take more prescription drugs than any population in history, and we are sicker than we’ve ever been. Most American adults take at least one prescription drug, chronic disease affects the majority, and autoimmune and mental health diagnoses keep climbing. Something in the model isn’t working, and it isn’t an accident. It’s the shape of a system built to treat customers, not to cure them.
Why this matters for peptides right now
Here’s where it comes back around to today, and this part is my read on it, not a history lesson.
The same logic that closed those schools is the logic aimed at peptides right now.
Peptides are short chains of amino acids. Your body already makes them. They’re signaling molecules that tell your cells what to do. Think about the ones people are talking about right now, from BPC and TB-500 to the GLP compounds and the bioregulators. These are not foreign chemicals invented in a lab to be patented. Most of them are sequences the body already recognizes because it produces versions of them on its own.
And that’s the problem, from the monopoly’s point of view. You cannot build a hundred year empire on a molecule that anyone can synthesize and that the body makes for free. There’s no moat around it and no exclusive license to sell, which means no reason a patient has to come through their door and theirs alone.
So watch what happens. The same moves are showing up that showed up a century ago. The framing that it’s all unproven and dangerous. The push to make it inaccessible rather than illegal, because inaccessible is quieter and works just as well. The articles that lump careful researchers in with actual bad actors so the whole space looks like a scam. They learned a long time ago that you don’t have to prove your competition is worse. You just have to make it too expensive and too complicated for people to reach.
And if you think I’m talking in the abstract, look at what just landed this week. The FDA’s Pharmacy Compounding Advisory Committee is meeting on July 23 and 24 to decide whether seven peptides get a legal home on something called the 503A Bulks List, which is the line between a licensed pharmacy being able to compound these for patients and the whole thing staying stuck in a gray zone. The seven up for review are BPC-157, KPV, TB-500, MOTS-c, plus Emideltide, Semax, and Epitalon. Ahead of the meeting the agency posts its own briefing documents, and those documents are now public. The position is the same for every single one. No. Free base or acetate, it doesn’t matter, they’re proposing all of them stay off the list, which is fourteen line items when you count both forms of each peptide, and the recommendation on all fourteen is do not include.
Let me be straight about the reasons they gave, because the real version is telling enough without me dressing it up. The documents don’t call peptides poison. They lean on what’s missing instead. No standardized name. No documented history of pharmacy compounding. No human studies proving it works. A safety flag over immunogenicity because nobody has run the human trials to rule it out. For TB-500 they even pointed to a lab study where it failed to close wounds in a dish, and noted that the supporting papers the nominator submitted were actually about a different, larger parent molecule. Now read those reasons back and notice that every one of them comes down to a lack of studies. And who funds the studies that would fill those gaps? Drug companies do, because at the end of that road sits a patent worth twenty years of exclusive sales. Nobody spends tens of millions running human trials on a molecule the body already makes and anyone can synthesize, because there’s no payday waiting at the finish. So the studies never get run, and then the absence of those same studies becomes the official reason the compound can’t have a legal path. You can’t patent it, so nobody funds the trials, so the trials don’t exist, so the agency says there isn’t enough evidence, so it stays locked out. The molecule gets punished for the exact thing that makes it a threat.
There’s a detail almost nobody is reporting, and it stopped me cold when I read it. Every one of these nominations had already been withdrawn. The companies that originally asked for the review pulled their requests, and the FDA decided to proceed anyway. It says so right in the documents, peptide after peptide. Nobody was standing at the front of the line demanding a vote, and the agency pulled these forward on its own to put a no on the record. It’s worth asking who that agency actually answers to, because the public still pictures a taxpayer-funded watchdog and that picture is out of date. Industry user fees, money paid to the FDA by the drug companies it regulates, now cover close to half of its total budget, somewhere around 45 to 49 percent as of 2025. Zoom in on the specific program that reviews prescription drugs and the industry share runs near 77 percent, with taxpayers covering the rest. In 1993 that share was 7 percent. You don’t need a single bribe for that to bend behavior. When the people being judged are also the people funding the building, the tilt is structural, and economists have a name for it. They call it regulatory capture, and it’s a documented failure mode of regulation, not a fringe theory.
None of this flips your access overnight, and I won’t pretend otherwise. It’s a proposal and a recommendation, and any real change still runs through months of formal rulemaking. But the direction is unmistakable. A unanimous no on all seven signals the pharmacies, the payment processors, and the platforms all at once. Access rarely dies from one dramatic ban. It dies from the slow tightening, exactly the way it died the first time.
I’m not telling you to throw out modern medicine. I won’t pretend antibiotics don’t save lives or that emergency medicine isn’t a miracle when you need it. That stuff is real and I’d use it without thinking twice. The drug model does what it was built to do. The point isn’t that drugs are bad. The point is what happens when one approach becomes the only approach anyone is allowed to offer you, not because it won on the merits but because it was the only one somebody could own.
This isn’t ancient history. There are people alive right now whose grandparents trained in schools that no longer exist, who remember when botanical medicine was a normal choice instead of a fringe practice. The knowledge wasn’t lost to time. It was deliberately destroyed within living memory, and we’re still paying for it in a system that’s brilliant at expensive interventions and terrible at keeping people well.
Rockefeller didn’t destroy botanical medicine because it was unscientific. He destroyed it because it was unprofitable. Knowledge that can’t be patented, controlled, and sold at monopoly prices is worthless to someone building an empire, no matter how well it works.
That’s the question worth sitting with. Not whether peptides are perfect. Whether you should be the one deciding what goes in your body, or whether that decision belongs to the people who figured out a long time ago that the money was never in curing you. It was in keeping you a customer.
They did it to the herbalists. They’re trying it again.
Pay attention to who profits from telling you to look away.
---
By Joe Mars

 

Wednesday, October 7, 2026

Chicken Wonton Soup!
A delicious soup that you and your family will surely love it. Perfect in this cold weather.
Ingredients:
16 pcs wontons
7 cups chicken broth
2 tablespoons oil (I use chili garlic oil)
1/2 onion- sliced
1 tablespoon ginger paste
1 bunch bokchoy (or veggies of choice)
1/2 cup green onions
Salt and pepper to taste
Garnish:
chili oil
Sesame oil
Steps:
In a large pot, add oil and saute the onion and ginger for about a minute till fragrant. Then add the broth. Let it boils. Once it boils, add wontons and cook for about 10 minutes. Then, add bokchoy. Simmer for a minute. Garnish with green onions ready to serve. Season with salt and pepper if needed. Enjoy! Yum!
Homemade Wontons:
Recipe: Chicken Meat filling:
1 pound ground chicken
1 cup green onions
1 cup minced cabbage
1 tablespoon minced garlic
1 tsp ginger paste
1 tsp sesame oil
1/2 tsp salt
1/2 tsp black pepper
1 tablespoon soy sauce
25 pcs wonton wraps


 

🌶️ Homemade Beef Birria
Ingredients:
  • 3 ½ lbs beef chuck short ribs
  • 3 tsp salt
  • 2 tbsp oil
  • 9 cups water
  • 2 bay leaves
  • 5 guajillo chiles
  • 3 pasilla chiles
  • 5 Roma tomatoes
  • ¼ cup vinegar
  • ½ white onion
  • 8 garlic cloves (unpeeled)
  • 1 ½ tsp Mexican oregano
  • ¾ tsp dried thyme
  • 1 tsp ground cumin
  • 3 whole cloves
  • 1-inch piece of Mexican cinnamon
  • 1 tsp black peppercorns
  • 3 tsp chicken bouillon
  • 2 cups additional water
Instructions:
  1. Place the dried chiles in a pot and cover with water. Bring to a boil, then remove from heat. Cover and let soak for 30 minutes.
  2. Heat a skillet over medium heat. Add the onion, garlic, and tomatoes. Roast until they develop blackened spots, turning occasionally. The garlic should be ready after about 5 minutes, while the tomatoes and onion will take a little longer.
  3. Transfer the roasted onion and tomatoes to a blender. Peel the garlic and add it along with the softened chiles (discard the soaking water). Add the vinegar, oregano, thyme, cumin, cloves, cinnamon, peppercorns, chicken bouillon, and 2 cups of fresh water. Blend until smooth and set aside.
  4. Season the beef with salt. Heat the oil in a large pot over medium heat. Working in batches, brown the meat on all sides until a nice golden crust forms.
  5. Reduce the heat to medium-low. Strain the blended chile sauce into the pot, scraping up all those delicious browned bits from the bottom. Cook for about 1 minute.
  6. Return the beef to the pot. Add the 9 cups of water and bay leaves. Stir and bring to a boil. Reduce the heat to low, cover, and simmer for about 3 hours or until the beef is fall-apart tender.
  7. Remove the beef and transfer it to a large bowl. Shred with a fork, discarding any excess fat.
  8. Return half of the shredded beef to the pot with the broth. Save the other half to make some delicious quesatacos! 🌮❤️
Serve your birria nice and hot with chopped onion, cilantro, lime, and warm tortillas!

 

Tuesday, October 6, 2026

Imagine stepping outside and finding this peaceful retreat waiting for you.
Whitewashed walls, soft greenery, rustic textures, and a crystal-clear plunge pool create the perfect escape from a busy day. 🤍

It’s proof that you don’t need a huge backyard to create something beautiful.
With thoughtful design, shade, comfortable seating, and a touch of nature, even a compact courtyard can feel like a private resort. 🌱✨

 

Saturday, October 3, 2026


 This week, it has been almost a full year since I published my first investigation into Jeffrey Epstein, and it’s also when I found Virginia Giuffre again, this time in a place I had never expected to find her.

I had spent most of the year following Epstein’s money because I wanted to understand something that had bothered me from the beginning. Federal prosecutors had interviewed victims, prepared a draft indictment containing dozens of charges and subpoenaed records from Epstein’s companies, yet the case they were building never reached a courtroom.

His lawyers negotiated with prosecutors over charges, language and what the public would be allowed to see, and the agreement they eventually reached protected Epstein from the federal prosecution while extending protection to potential coconspirators.

I wanted to know how a person reaches the point where something like that becomes possible. I had to understand where Epstein’s money came from, who trusted him with theirs, what authority other people gave him, what he was actually doing for them and how the businesses attached to his name worked.

That sent me even further back than the strange sci-fi novel Donald Barr had written shortly after we believe he hired Epstein, the reason I started digging to begin with.

I ended up reading about Epstein as a mathematically gifted child in the 1960s, then trying to figure out how a man without a college degree ended up at Dalton in 1974 and, two years later, at Bear Stearns. That led me into the a financial world I knew nothing about at the time, but it also pulled me toward Robert Maxwell, Adnan Khashoggi, BCCI, the Church Committee and government investigations that had already shown us something important about the period Epstein came of age in: governments, intelligence agencies, banks and private businessmen often worked through relationships and institutions the public could barely see while they were operating.

I was trying to understand the world Epstein came from vs. where he ended up when Leslie Wexner appeared in my research again.

This time, I wanted to understand the money itself. Wexner had given Epstein power of attorney, meaning Epstein could legally act for him, sign for him and make decisions involving his property and finances. Then I started finding deals where it became surprisingly hard to separate what belonged to Wexner from what later became associated with Epstein.

Take the Manhattan townhouse. In 1998, Epstein agreed to buy it from Wexner for $20 million, except Epstein did not simply hand Wexner $20 million and walk away with the house. The agreement required $10 million at closing, while Wexner agreed to let Epstein owe him the other $10 million until the following year, with interest.

Then I found New York Strategy Group, the company that handled Epstein’s finances. Darren Indyke bought the controlling share of that company from Jeffrey Schantz, and the money for that purchase came from Wexner Children’s Trust II. Nearly a decade later, in November 2007, while federal prosecutors were investigating Epstein, Epstein’s Financial Trust Company paid $3,458,416.55 to finish paying off that obligation. JPMorgan records also document another $2.25 million moving from the New Albany property business to New York Strategy Group between January 2007 and April 2008.

So I had started out asking where Epstein got his money, and now I was looking at Wexner financing half of the townhouse Epstein would later be known for, Wexner’s family trust financing the purchase of the company managing Epstein’s money, and millions more moving between the New Albany business and that same financial office years later.

That changed the question for me. How much of what we have spent decades describing as Epstein’s wealth had actually been created through financial arrangements with other people?

Once I started asking that, the companies became impossible to ignore. Southern Trust had originally been called Financial Infomatics.

From what I understood, it described working with roughly 200 million personal profiles and combining information that could identify a person with biomedical information, genetic information, financial information and other records so the data could be analyzed together.

Then I found Southern Trust paying Novamente, the artificial intelligence company run by Ben Goertzel, for software. One $30,000 invoice from 2015 was for technology, installation and training to analyze gene expression and genetic variation. So Epstein’s company that had already described a business built around combining enormous amounts of information about people was now paying an AI company for software designed to analyze genetic and medical data. In 2015, over a decade ago.

Then there was China Medical Data Services. The contracts I found there were talking about government medical and social insurance information in China and, very specifically, who would have the right to commercially use some of that information outside the country.

At that point I was no longer reading about a rich man moving money between investment accounts. I was reading about companies interested in knowing who people were, combining information about them and making that information commercially useful.

That made the technology investments much easier for me to understand when they started appearing.

I found Epstein’s money in Peter Thiel’s Valar funds. Then I followed money that went through Ehud Barak into Carbyne, the emergency communications company whose technology can receive things like a caller’s location and live video when they contact emergency services. It currently manages millions of American 911 calls.

Then I found something that had turned up a few times but finally made more sense, Adfin.

Epstein’s Southern Trust and a Cantor Fitzgerald investment company had both put money into the same business, and I found the paperwork where Jeffrey Epstein signed for Southern Trust and Howard Lutnick signed for the Cantor company.

Cantor kept putting money into Adfin and eventually became its majority owner.

Howard Lutnick is now the United States Secretary of Commerce.

By then, this had become a recurring experience for me. I would open a document because I was trying to understand something Epstein was doing ten or fifteen years ago, and then I would look up the person or company involved and realize I was reading about something happening in the federal government right now.

The money was only part of it.

Epstein was also talking about digital currency long before most people were having conversations about stablecoins and digital wallets. In 2014, Vincenzo Iozzo sent him a proposal involving a digital currency where a wallet would be connected to a person’s real identity and their transactions could be permanently recorded. Iozzo explicitly pointed out what that would mean for privacy because advertisers could potentially know what people were buying.

Then, in February 2018, Steve Bannon asked Epstein how a $100 million bitcoin project could be announced. Epstein responded with ideas involving a new coin, a donor advised fund, local exchanges and research into campaign finance law.

This is where the year I spent reading old Epstein documents started colliding with 2026.

Donald Trump’s family is involved with World Liberty Financial, which created its own digital dollar and sought federal banking authority around that business. Cantor provides financial services to Tether, one of the largest stablecoin companies in the world. Jared Kushner’s Affinity Partners joined Saudi Arabia’s Public Investment Fund and Silver Lake in the acquisition of Electronic Arts, a company that collects information about what millions of people buy, what they play, what devices they use and how they interact with its products.

I had started this investigation trying to understand why prosecutors did not bring the federal case they had spent years preparing against Epstein.

Somehow, that question had taken me from Leslie Wexner financing Epstein’s townhouse and family trust money helping purchase the office managing Epstein’s finances, to companies dealing with genetic information and hundreds of millions of personal profiles, to technology companies, digital currency, Howard Lutnick, Peter Thiel, Jared Kushner and businesses now affected by decisions being made by the federal government.

Then I found Virginia again.

A year later, I think I finally understand what I have been finding. Epstein spent decades helping billionaires, politicians and foreign governments do things most of us assume governments control. Things like moving enormous amounts of money, gathering information, making introductions between world leaders, advising countries, collecting data on people, funding artificial intelligence and working on new forms of private money.

Then I followed what happened to the people and businesses around him, and somehow I ended up here, with Howard Lutnick running the Commerce Department after Cantor invested with Epstein, Jared Kushner managing billions of dollars from foreign governments while also participating in American diplomacy, Trump’s family owning a digital currency company that now has approval for its own national trust bank, and Todd Blanche controlling the Justice Department and the Epstein files after representing Trump.

I think Congress needs to find out whether Epstein’s death actually ended what he was building, or whether his money, investments, contracts, technology, data and relationships simply went to other people who are now far more powerful than they were when he was alive.

I never imagined any of this when I hit publish a year ago. I never imagined Lev Parnas would send my work to the Oversight Committee and tell Congress I was someone they should be reading, or that this thing I started doing because I could not leave an unanswered question alone would become my way of taking part in the resistance.

This work is lonely sometimes, and it is hard, but there is something almost painfully meaningful about realizing that so much of what I had to learn just to survive is what taught me to do it. I know what it feels like to be told something is normal when you know in your gut that it is wrong, and I know how long it can take to trust yourself enough to keep asking anyway.

Maybe this is what all of that gave me. I know how to keep asking. And right now, I feel called to use that. Thank you for being here, truly.

---     By Kait Justice, see comments for sources and to support.

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